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LETTER I 

"O A MEMBER OF THE ^/ 



I SOCIETY OF friends;! 



IN REPLY TO OBJECTIONS AGAINST JOINING 



BOSTON 



I 

ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. ^^ 

I 

— i 



Bsr WILLIAM BASSETT. E 

. >^ 

The cause which I I'aicw not I searched out. — Job. S\ 

Prove all thiiigs; liold liist tli.-t which is good. — Paul. (S 

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^^^ PU15MSHED BY ISAAC KNAPP, J? 

# 25, COKNHILL. )/ 

I ''''■ i 



LETTER 



TO A MEMBER OF THE 



SOCIETY OF FRIENDS, 



IN REPLY TO OBJECTIONS AGAINST JOINING 



ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES. 



By WILLIAM BASSETT. 



The cause which I knew not I searched out. — Job. 
Prove all things j hold fast that which is good. — Paul. 



BOSTON: 

PUBLISHED BY ISAAC KNAPP, 

25, CORNHILL. 

1837. 



D'(L'-\\ 



^ / f■r 
f. P.Oi>er/i.£>/r■z_«.y- 



INTRODUCTION, 



The following letter was written in reply to one recent- 
ly received from a Friend, containing the following ob- 
jections against members of the Society of Friends joining 
Anti-Slavery Societies, viz.: — 

That the fact of Friends at the North having joined 
anti-slavery societies, has seriously affected the influence of 
Friends at the South. 

That, in Virginia, the Society of Friends has long been 
held in the highest estimation, both by those in authority 
and by the citizens generally ; — it having been admitted 
by them that Friends in opposing slavery, were actuated 
by religious motives. 

That the motives of * Friends' have been respected and 
their appeals listened to with attention, and with effect; 
in evidence of which, we are referred to the Virginia 
Convention, and to the tone of feeling there manifested, 
so favorable to the abolition cause, in reference to which, 
the writer says, ' This was a good work, — what did hinder 
it?' 

That Anti-Slavery Societies have not obtained credit 



for the same motives, — slave-holders appearing to believe 
that in such societies, ambition and political influence are 
the main-springs of action ; and that, of course, a distrust 
of these societies is the consequence. Still, it is admitted 
that one great reason for this distrust, on the part of the 
slave-holder, is love for his own intesest, and consequent 
dislike of all that seems to oppose it. But, the writer is 
of the opinion that there must be other reasons^ because, 
he says, while Friends and anti-slaverj societies have both 
labored professedly to abolish slavery ; the one has obtained 
credit for sincerity of motive, and the other has not. The 
writer thinks that we can sufficiently account for ibe dif- 
ferent estimation of them to determine our duty. 

That * Friends ' are known to be a religious society, 
and opposed to all violence, and * to act up to their creed, 
that the end does not sanctify the means ; ' while, on the 
other hand, the anti-slavery society is not a religious asso- 
ciation, and the absence of religion, is no disqualification 
for membership. 

That, therefore, we cannot wonder that fears are enter- 
tained at the South as to the means to be resorted to. 

That, as ' Friends,' we cannot hope, nor even wish, to 
abolish slavery by means inconsistent ivith our profession, 
— that ' the weapons of our warfare are not carnal.' 

That the only way to act avail ingly, is on the reason 
and conscience of the oppressor. Hence the importance 
of having access to it. That it is a serious thing to shut 
the only door by which we can reach the slaveholder or 
liberate the slave. 



That, although it may be said that this is the doctrine 
of expediency, and that we must do right and leave con- 
sequences, we are reminded that 'right consequences 
follow right actions,' as invariably as an effect follows 
its cause. 

As similar objections are so frequently made, some of 
the writer's friends, believing that a public notice of them 
is required, have solicited him to submit his reply to the 
press ; to which he has been induced to consent, from a 
hope that it may be a means of bringing some of his 
fellow members, who differ with him in sentiment on this 
subject, to a more careful and candid consideration of it. 



1* 



LETTER, 



Dear Friend: 

Thy letter came duly to hand, and having endeavor- 

Dd to give thy objections against joining anti-slavery 

societies, due consideration, I now proceed to give thee 

my views in relation to them. 

It is said, in the first place, that Friends at the North 

having joined anti-slavery soeieties, has seriously affected 

Ihe influence of Friends at the South. 
Why should any such effect be produced on the minds 

of those who really wish for the abolition of slavery^ but 
from a misconception of the objects and principles of the 

abolitioaists ? Surely, if such as these were correctly 
informed of the real feelings of those who have espoused 
the anti-slavery cause, they would hail their efforts with 
joy ; and, so far from esteeming Friends the less for joining 
the anti-slavery societies, they would but consider it as 
an additional proof of their sincere attachment to those 
principles of liberty which they had professed, and of 
their readiness to avail themselves of so favorable an op- 
portunity to aid in carrying out those principles into 
practice. 

But, that such an effect should be produced on those 
who know what the real objects and principles of the 
Abolitionists are, and who are well aware, too, that the 



8 

measures by which they are seeking to give effect to their 
principles, possess a powerful energy, and carry with them 
a potency, terrible indeed to those whose happiness consists 
in the indulgence of the love and lust of power, but who, 
nevertheless, are determined, at all hazards, to fortify 
themselves in the continuance of their wickedness, there 
can be no wonder. Well may they tremble when they see 
indications of the Society of Friends throwing the weight 
of its influence in favor of a cause, the success of which 
they so much dread. 

It may be well to inquire, — what are those principles 
and objects, the promulgation of which has caused such a 
degree of consternation at the South, and which has so 
exasperated the enemies of human freedom at the North? 
and to consider whether the Society of Friends has ever 
openly and explicitly avowed them. 

The principles and objects of the Abolitionists may be 
ascertained by the following extracts from the Constitution 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society ; 

' Art. 2. The objects of this Society are the entire abo- 
lition of slavery in the United States. While it admits 
that each state, in which slavery exists, has, by the Con- 
stitution of the United States, the exclusive right to legis- 
late in regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to 
convince all our fellow-citizens by arguments addressed 
to their understandings and consciences, that slaveholding 
is a heinous crime in the sight of God ; and that the duty, 
safety, and best interests of all concerned, require it3 
immediate ahandonment, witliout eocpatriation. The 
Society Avill also endeavor in a constitutional way to in- 
fluence Congress to put an end to the domestic Slave- 
trade, and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our 



common country, which come under its control, especial- 
ly in the District of Columbia, and likewise to prevent the 
extension of it to any state that may hereafter be admitted 
to the Union. 

Art. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character 
and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their 
intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by 
removing public prejudice ; that thus they may, according 
to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with 
the whites of civil and religious privileges ; but the society 
will never, in any way, countenance the oppressed in vin- 
dicating their rights, by resorting to physical force. 

Art. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of 
this Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this 
Society, and is not a slaveholder, may be a member of 
this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings.' 

These are the principles, the advocacy of which has 
struck such horror to the hearts of those who make mer- 
chandise of men, and which are calculated, not merely to 
lop off the branches of the corrupt tree, but to overthrow 
and utterly destroy it, root and branch. Slaveholders 
know it, and how, then, can we expect to secure their 
respect without the sacrifice of these principles ? And 
shall we purchase their respect at such a price? But 
what avails abstract principles , and how can I carry these 
principles into practical operation but through the medium 
of the anti-slavery societies? Not, surely, by means of 
the Society of Friends in its present condition. For, I 
contend that this Society has never avowed these princi- 
ples to their full extent ; and no one, I presume, will take 
the ground that our Society has adopted the measures of 
the Abolitionists, which have been so unsparingly de- 



10 

nounced, not only by the advocates of slavery, but by 
those who are opposed to slavery in the abstract. But, 
what are their measures ? They are these — 

They will exercise the right guaranteed to them by the 
Constitution, to petition Congress for the abolition of sla- 
very in the District of Columbia, and the Territories. 
They will use the right of speech and of the press, and 
will address arguments to the understandings and con- 
sciences of their fellow citizens, and endeavor to convince 
them of the duty of immediate emancipation. They will 
endeavor to secure to the colored people an equality of 
civil and religious privileges, by encouraging their moral 
and religious improvement, and the removal of existing 
prejudices against them. 

Such, then, are the principles and measures of the Abo- 
litionists ; and if it be found that they have never been 
fully acknowledged and adopted by the Society of Friends, 
as I shall more fully make appear hereafter, may not this, 
together with the prevailing misconceptions of the designs 
of the Abolitionists, furnish sufficient reasons why Friends 
should have been more respected at the South than the 
Abolitionists ? 

N( marvel that such doctrines and measures are un- 
palatable to the slaveholder. His condition may be com- 
pared to that of a wounded man, whose medical attendant 
dresses his wound with applications of a mild and sooth- 
ing nature, pretty well adapted to wounds of an ordinary 
character, but not possessing sufficient virtue to effect a 
cure in a case like this. A surgeon of greater skill, seeing 
the alarming situation of his neighbor, and knowing that, 
unless effectual means be forthwith resorted to, a fatal re- 
sult must ensue, boldly and skilfully applies the knife to 
remove the putrid parts, as the only means of effecting a 



11 

cure, and preserving the life of his patient. But, no 
sooner does the knife of the operator reach to the quich^ 
than the wounded man cries out at the top of his voice — 
murder — murder — and would fain have the surgeon in- 
dicted for an attempt on his life ; but as no law exists 
which can be brought to bear on the case, he resolves to 
consign him to the tender mercies of lynch law, the first 
time an opportunity offers. The benevolent surgeon, 
finding himself in this dilemma, and feeling anxious to do 
all in his power for his almost dying neighbor, calls on his 
former attendant, who still retains the respect of his suffer- 
ing friend, to consult with him on the best means of af- 
fording relief. He is repulsed with the reply — * Why, I 
am aware that our friend is in a very critical situation, and 
that at a proper time it may be necessary to apply the 
knife, but at present he is too much excited, and I think it 
"will be most expedient to defer the operation — and, although 
I freely acknowledge that it would be best for him to sub- 
mit to thy mode of treatment, still, I dare not tell him so, 
for fear of affecting my injiuence. I prefer keeping along 
in my own way.' What should we think of such kind- 
ness 1 

The truth of the matter is, that, when the action on the 
subject of abolition was mostly confined to an occasional 
appeal or memorial from the Society of Friends, it was 
considered rather as a matter of course, and while it «z- 
tended no farther, the slaveholder felt that he had noth- 
ing to fear. He might give them a compliment on their 
good intentions, and pass it by unheeded. The old bastile 
of slavery stood so firm, and its foundations were laid so 
deep, that its defenders had no cause for alarm from an 
occasional rill of disapprobation trickling against it. But, 
when they hear the thunders of popular indignation roll- 



12 

ing in the moral atmosphere — when they see the waves of 
an enlightened public sentiment rushing onward, and 
threatening to sweep away from foundation to top-stone, 
the towering walls of their time-worn citadel, they know 
full well the danger of their situation, and that they shall 
not be able to withstand the shock. Senator Preston, of 
South Carolina, in a speech in Congress, in the session of 
1885 — 6, in reference to the petitions for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, said — ' They (the pe- 
titions) do not come as heretofore, singly, and far apart ; 
from the quiet routine of the Society of Friends, or the 
obscure vanity of some philanthropic club, but they are 
sent to us in vast numbers from soured and agitated com- 
munities ; poured in upon us from the overflowing op 
PUBLIC SENTIMENT, which, cvcry where, in all western 
Europe and eastern America, has been lashed into excite- 
ment on this subject. The bosom of society heaves with 
new and violent emotions.' 

The objection leads, after all, to the inquiry, whether it 
is right to be governed in our actions by a desire to retain 
the favorable regard of wicked men. Was Moses so ac- 
tuated, when, in obedience to the Divine command, he 
called upon Pharaoh to liberate the children of Israel from 
their cruel bondage? Might he not have reasoned, and 
would he not, if he had been actuated by this world's 
policy, that it was useless for him to repeat the divine mes- 
sage, because it only had the effect to harden the heart of 
the royal slaveholder, and, in persisting, he should only 
lose his influence ? Thinkest thou that the Prophets of 
old sought the respect of the people, when they foretold 
the awful judgments of an offended God on their rebel- 
lious nation ? Were the motives of our blessed Lord re- 
spected by the Jews, when they accused him of blasphemy 



13 

and spit upon him, and buiTeted him, and finally put him 
to an ignominious death ? Did they manifest their respect 
for the motives of Peter and John wlien they -command- 
ed them not to speak at all, nor teach in the name of 
Jesus?' And did those devoted men seek the praise of 
men when they replied—' Whether it be right in the sight 
of God to hearken unto you more than unto God, judge 
ye?' Did the sainted martyr Stephen consider how he 
might retain his influence with the people, when he charg- 
ed them with being the betrayers and murderers of the 
Just One ? Was Paul respected by the Jews when they 
went about to kill him ? Or, dost thou think that the early 
founders of our Society were influenced by a desire to ob- 
tain the good opinions of men ? Was not the whole com- 
munity in an uproar, and were not the people aroused to 
to a high pitch of excitement, on account of the plain and 
fearless manner in which they rebuked, not only princi- 
palities and powers, but spiritual wickedness in high 
places? They appear to have been strangers to the policy 
of the worhl, and to the fatal doctrine of expediency. A 
prejudice was raised against the worthies of that day, no 
less cruel and vindictive than that which is now indulged 
by the sLaunchest friends of slavery towards the Abolition- 
ists. Would it have been right, then, for those who were 
converted by their preaching, to the principles they pro- 
fessed, to have kept aloof, and said — ' We have no doubt 
of the correctness of these men's principles, nor of the 
honesty of tiieir purpose — but, their motives, we see, are 
not respected by the world, and, therefore, we can do more 
good by not becoming connected v/ith them, and we had 
heiXcx keep hi/ ourselves? ' Might I not say, even now, 
that as prejudice exists to a considerable extent against the 
Society of Friends, and many will not go to hear a 
3 



14 

' Q^tahcr' preach, nor read a ' QuaJccr' book, therefore, 
if 1 would be respected and secure an influence with the 
world, I must withdraw from the society — then I can do 
more in spreading their principles? How wouldst thou 
approve of such an application of the principle of thy 
objection ? 

We ought not to expect to retain the good esteem and 
friendship of the wicked, if we are faithful in reproving 
them for their sins. Our blessed Redeemer said to his 
disciples—* Wo unto you when all men shall speak well 
of you ' — ' Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and 
persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you 
falsely for my sake.' We must be willing to be of no rep- 
vtation, for — ' it is enough for the disciple that he be as 
his master, and the servant as his lord.' 

An influence with wicked men, to be of any service to 
them, must be found only in the rebuking power of Truth. 
It is not in any wise to be confounded with personal pop- 
ularity. The power of Truth may be felt, and the sinner 
may be awed under its influence ; and at the same time 
he may be constrained by his evil passions to 'gnash with 
his teeth' upon the person who presents it, like the Jews 
of old when ' cut to the heart' by the searching rebuke 
of Stephen. The less there is of that ' influence ' which 
dares not denounce the wrong for fear of giving offence to 
the ivrong-docr, the better will it be for the cause of Hu- 
manity and everlasting Truth. 

Perhaps it may be well to consider whether in joining 
anti-slavery societies, we should not gain the respect and 
confidence of our colored friends in as great a degree, as 
we should lose those of the slaveholder ; and, whether the 
esteem of the poor and the oppressed is not as much to be 
valued as that of their hard hearted oppressors. 



15 

Thou sayest, that slaveholders acknowledge that 
'Friends' act from religious motives, and offerest this as a 
reason why they should keep by themselves. If it be true 
that they do stand so high in the estimation of the South, 
it is the strongest reason why they should give their une- 
quivocal sanction to the abolition cause. Let us disabuse 
the public mind of the South, and dispel the delusion that 
may yet prove fatal to them, which leads them to look 
abroad for a foe that exists only in their distorted imagina- 
tion ; while a volcano is ready to burst beneath their feet, 
and to the dangers of which, the very men whom they af- 
fect to believe are their enemies, are endeavoring to arouse 
them. 

T;: Tu observest that, in Virginia the appeals of Friends ' 
had been listened to with attention and with effect, and as 
an evidence of it referest to the ' Virginia Convention.' 
This Convention was held in 1829, in which the subject 
of slavery only came up incidentally in a debate on the 
basis of representation. The subject of emancipation was 
scarcely mentioned — and slavery was only alluded to and 
condemned on ^political grounds, as giving undue political 
power to the slaveholders of Eastern Virginia. Thou 
probably intended to refer to the Virginia Legislature of 
1832, and to the celebrated debate in the House of Dele- 
gates ; and it is in that debate, no doubt, that thou dis- 
coverest a * tone of feeling so favorable to the cause of 
abolition.' 

I would be the last to lesson the credit justly due to 
Friends for their labors in the cause of humanity, but I 
am at a loss to discover any very strong and convincing 
evidence, of a prevalence of benevolent feeling in that 
legislative body towards the colored population. The dis- 
cussion of the subject at that time was undoubtedly oc- 



casioned by llie bloody tragedy of the Soulbampton insur- 
rection, from the horrors of which many of the members 
had but just turned their eyes ; and on reading tlie ac- 
count of the proceedings, we can but perceive that the 
predominating feelings of most of those who w^ere in favor 
of doing something, were those of fear and alarm, and 
their primary object, self-preservation. L. M. Child, in 
her ' Appeal &c.' alluding to this event, says, — * In the 
course of that debate the spirit of slavery showed itself 
without disguise. The members talked of emancipation ; 
but with one or two exceptions, they merely wanted to 
emancipate or rather to send away, the surplus population, 
which they could neither keep nor sell, and which might 
prove dangerous. They wished to get rid of the conse- 
quences of the evil, but were determined to keep the evil 
itself. Some members from western Virginia, who spoke 
in a better spirit, and founded their arguments on the 
broad principles of justice, not on the mere convenience 
of a certain class, were repelled with angry excitement. 
The eastern districts threatened to separate from the 
■western, if the latter persisted in expressing opinions op- 
posed to the continuance of slavery.' Roane was one of 
those who were in favor of action, but his benevolent dis- 
position may be gathered from the following remarks. He 
says — * I own a considerable number of slaves, and am 
perfectly sure they are mine ; and I am sorry to add that 
I have occasionally, though not often, been compelled to 
niake thevi feel the impression of that ownership. I would 
not touch a hair on the head of the gentleman's slave, any 
sooner than I would a hair in the mane of Ids horse.' Gen. 
Broadnax, another advocate of action, was in favor of rc- 

moving the free colored people and that by force. 

Chandler, also, fully acknowledged the slaves to be prop- 



IT 

ttit}. The direct action of Friends on this occasion, was 
by a memorial from the meeting for Sufferings of Virginia 
Yearly Meeting, praying that some measures might be 
adopted for the gradual abolition of slavery. The dis- 
cussion occupied several days and resulted in the following 
conclusions, viz.— -1st. That it was not expedient, at that 
time, to legislate on abolition. 2d. That the colored pop- 
ulation of Virginia was a great evil. 3d. That humanity 
and policy demanded the removal of the free, and of those 
who might become free. 4th. That this would absorb 
their present means. 5th. That when public opinion 
should be more developed, &c. it would be expedient to 
commence a system of abolition. These are what the 
Richmond Whig called ' astonishing and animating re- 
sults ! ' And with these results, the pscudo-philanthrO' 
pists of Virginia appear to have been contented, and 
to have setthd down into a state of apathy, from which 
it may require another Southampton tragedy to awaken 
them. These are the results in relation to which 
thou sayest — * This was a good work, — what did hinder 
it?' no doubt, having in thy mind's eye the thread- 
bare objection that. Abolitionists have put back eman- 
cipation in Virginia, for proof of which, we are fre- 
quently referred to the favorable disposition manifested in 
the Virginia Legislature and to the present violent opposi- 
tion in that State to abolition movements. Kentucky, it 
is said, was also on the eve of emancipation. It may be 
remembered that the very next year after the famous Vir- 
ginia discussion, the price of cotton and negroes expe- 
rienced a rapid rise, increasing up to 1836 : — and it appears 
that the abolitionism of Virginia declined in proportion to 
the increase of the price of human flesh in the man-mar- 
ket ! Is not this what * hindered^ the work ? 
2* 



IS 

In regard to Kentucky, I refer thee to the language oT 
John Green, a distinguished lawyer, and a member of the 
legislature of that State, — an elder in the Presbyterien 
church, and a slaveiioldePv. In a letter to the editor of 
the Cincinnati Journal, written in 1S36, he says : ' Little is 
doing for the negro, either in the way of colonization, or 
voluntary emancipation, or religious instruction, and a 
general apathy prevails on the subject, not only in the 
world, but in the church. Many attribute all this to the 
rampant zeal of the Abolitionists in attempting to force 
public opinion ; and, with apparent self-complaeency jus- 
tify themselves in doing nothing, becauL-e they are re- 
quired to do too much. It cannot be denied that there exists 
at present, a greater apparent opposition to emancipation 
in any form, than has appeared at any previous period in 
my recollection. But I am not suie that Abolition has 
been the cause. I would say it has been the occasion of 
manifesting that opposition which previously existed^ but 
laid dormant for want of an exciting cause. I feel well 
assured that our slaveholders do not fear that the Aboli- 
tinists v;ill excite our slaves to revolt.' 

In further reply to this objection, I copy the follow- 
ing pertinent remarks from the Anti-Slavery Record, 
of 4th month last. * If there was at the South any sin- 
cere disposition to get rid of slavery, the agitation of the 
subject could not possibly put it back. A sincere dispo- 
sition to do justice, strong enough to stand any chance of 
triumphing over the lust of power and pelf, could not be 
turned from its purpose by any expression of opinion or 
sympathy in favor of the slave, however imprudent it 
might be. Who ever heard of a man, penitent enough to 
make restitution for a life of plunder, being turned back 
to increased robbery, out of spite at an injudicious re* 



pTOverl The objection is ridiculously absurd, and would 
not be advanced but in a miserably bad cause. Have the 
autocrats of history yielded free constitutions to their sub- 
jects unasked, in still and slavish times? Have they in- 
creased their own prerogatives, and doubled their chains, 
as they heard 'the distant murmur of popular agitation? 
Have they been most mild, and complaisant, and merciful, 
and most backward to use their extortionary arts, while 
there was no voice or press to reveal their deeds ? Per- 
haps the objector has an edition of the book of human 
nature, in which it is written that power is the least 
abused where it has fewest checks ; that tyrants will 
usurp least when left to themselves; that bad men will 
commit the fewest crimes when least suspected ; and that 
thieves will steal least, when least watched. As we have 
read human nature, in the old received edition, it is always 
a safe thing to put men, who are trusted with power, upon 
their good behavior, by a full exposure of their derelic- 
tions.' I do not believe that a S2)aj'k of genuine philan- 
thropic feeling has been extinguished by the operations of 
the abolitionists. I believe there is no force in the objec- 
tion, and that if there were at that time, in Virginia or 
Kentucky, any whose hearts beat in sympathy for the 
suffering slave, and that there were a few such I have no 
doubt, they are there still, and we have reason to believe that, 
as far as they are acquainted with the Abolition move- 
ments, their prayers are for their success. The following 
striking fact is an evidence of this: — 'At an anti-slavery 
concert of prayer for the oppressed, held in New York city, 
in 1836, a gentleman arose in the course of the meeting, 
declaring himself a Virginian and a slaveholder. He 
said he came to that city filled with the deepest prejudice 
against the A.bolitionists, by the reports given of their 



20 

character in papers published at the North. But he de>^' 
termined to investigate their character and designs for 
himself. He even boarded in the family of an Abolition^ 
ist, and attended the monthly concert of prayer for the 
slaves and the slaveholders. And now, as the result of his 
investigations and observations, he was convinced that not 
only the spirit but the principles and vieasurcs of the Aho^ 
litionists are righteous. He was now ready to emanci- 
pate his own slaves, and had commenced advocating the 
doctrine of immediate emancipation. — '' And here," said 
he, pointing to two men sitting near him, *' are the first 
fruits of my labors, — these tvvo fellow-Virginians and 
slaveholders, are converts with myself to Abolitionism. 
And I know a thousand Virginians who need only to be 
made acquainted with the true spirit and principles of 
Abolitionists, in order to their becoming converts as we 
are. Let the Abolitionists go on in the dissemination of 
their doctrines, and let the northern papers cease to mis* 
represent them at the South, — let the true light of Abo-- 
litionisni be fully shed upon the southern mind, and the 
work of immediate and general emancipation will be speedi^ 
ly accomplished.^' ' * 

Does this look as though the Abolitionists were putting 
bach emancipation? Such being the facts, it seems to 
me there need be no difficulty in determining our duty. 
What, though slaveholders do believe that in the anti- 
slavery societies, 'ambition and political influence are the 
main-springs of action,' and *of course a distrust of these 
societies is the consequence.' I hope it is not necessary 
to adduce evidence to convince thee that the eharges are' 
utterly false. Northern pro-slavery men admit them to be 

* Morning Star. 



521 

so. "What said Governor Lincoln on the floor of Con- 
gress Jast winter ? While he repudiates the views and 
schemes of the abolitionists, he acknowledges them to be 
^piire and philanthropic' He says, in reference to the 
Abolition memorials, — *I have presented them from men 
and women of as pure, elevated and intellectual character 
as any in the world ; — men and women, kind and gener- 
ous, and of the tenderest sympathies, who would no sooner 
do an injury or an act of injustice to any human being, 
than the most chivalrous or true-hearted sons of the 
South.' *-***« Those who sign these petitions 
are among the most harmless, moral, conscientious people 
of the land ; they would be the last to excite to violence, 
or willingly do their southern brethren a wrong.' * * * 
' Believe me, there is nothing to fear. These thousands 
of women, these hundreds of Clergymen, the kind-hearted, 
the sympathetic and the devout who sign these petitions, 
are not the incendiaries to apply the torch to southern 
dwellings. May not piety utter its prayer for the relief of 
human misery ? May not female tenderness heave a sigh 
for the condition of the oppressed, without giving occasion 
for alarm? This is no scheme of ambition, no plotting 
of selfish, designing, reckless politicians ; it is principally 
the unsophisticated, the artless, the simple and the unof- 
fending who thus approach you.' 

Knowing these charges to be false, as we do, should 
we desert the innocent because they are falsely accused ? 
If a man is suspected of committing murder, and we 
know the accusation to be false and have it in our power 
to relieve him from the imputation, shall we withhold our 
assistance, from the fear that we too may be subjected to 
suspicion? We must not forget that we have duties to 
Derform towards those who are engaged in advocating the 



22 

cause of the oppressed, and who are thereby exposed to 
ridicule and reproach, as well as towards the lordly op- 
pressor. Shall we be like the 'chief rulers' of old, who 
believed on Jesus, ' but because of the Pharisees they did 
not confess him, lest they should be put out of the syna- 
gogue ; for they loved the praise of men more than the 
praise of God ? ' George Fox and William Edrnundson 
were accused of stirring up an insurrection among the 
negroes, and inciting them to cut their masters' throats. 
Should tJici/ have been deserted on that account? Clark- 
son was stigmatized as an insurrectionist, and charged 
with wanting to bring all the horrors of the French Rev- 
olution into England, because he wanted to abolish the 
s\3.ve-trade. Did our Friends in England refuse him their 
co-operation in consequence of such accusations being 
directed aginst him, from a fear that their injluence might 
he affected? 

But we have abundant evidence that slaveholders them- 
selves who are well informed on this subject, do not believe 
these charges to be true. And the currency which is 
given to such malicious accusations, is derived mainly 
from the misrepresentations of the northern press. Are 
we, then, doing our duty, while we stand by in silence, 
suffering our influence to be thrown against the Abolition 
cause ? Apologists of slavery do consider the influence 
of the society to be cast in the scale against the Abolitionists. 
I quote the following opinion of Martin Van Buren on 
this subject, from a letter to a North Carolina committee, 
dated ' March 6th, 1836.' ' To one class of those who 
have hitherto petitioned Congress for the abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia, I cannot forbear ta 
refer. I allude to the Society of Friends, or the people 
usually denominated Quakers. The uniformity of their 



course upon this subject, the temperate manner in which 
It has been manifested, and the marked excellence of their 
conduct and character, appear to have conciliated respect 
for their motives, even from those who differ with them in 
opinion. As far as my observation has enabled me to 
judge. It IS due to them to say, that as there has been no 
indication of any change of opinion upon their part durino- 
the present excitement; so has there been no evidence ol* 
a disposition to lend themselves to the undue agitation of 
the pubhc mind attempted hy others. There is certainly 
no class of people in this country, who have a deeper 
interest in the preservation of the Union and of the happy 
system of government which it upholds, than they; and 
It has now become very apparent to all reflectincr and 
observing minds, that the question of slavery in the Dis^ 
irict of Columbia cannot he pressed to the result they de- 
sire, with safety to these paramount objects. Do not 
these considerations justify the hope, that from them, at 
least, we may expect, for the future, a mode of dealing 
with the subject, which, whilst it does no injustice to their 
principles, shall 7'epress instead of increasing agitation, 
and not endanger the great interests to which Thave re- 
ferred ? To doubt it, would be to distrust the influence 
which industi-y, morality, intelligence and republican 
habits,— qualities which all admit them to possess in a 
high degree, are calculated, in great emergencies, to exert 
upon the conduct of their possessors. And for the like 
reason it may certainly be expected, that well disposed 
persons of other religious denominations, who, without a 
full consideration of the difficulties which surround this 
subject, and of the dangerous consequences to which the 
efforts of the Abolitionists so evidently tend, have lent to 
those efforts ihe influence of their names and character, 



will be careful hereafter to avt>id the repetition of an error 
so unfortunate and mischievous.' 

If any person wishes for farther information of Martin 
Van Buren's views on the abolition of slavery, I would re- 
fer them to his Inaugural Address. 

A celebrated Greek v.as at one time told that he had 
been praised by a bad man. He carefully recollected 
himself, and then exclaimed—' What evil thing have I 
done ? ' The application is obvious. 

Thou admitest that one great reason for a distrust of the 
anti-slavery societies, on the part of the slaveholder, is 
* love for his own interest and consequent dislike of all 
that seems to oppose it' Very true, undoubtedly. If, 
then, the Society of Friends has acted as efficiently in this 
cause as the anti-slavery societies, why has it not conse- 
quently come in for its share of distrust, and of the dislike 
of all that opposes the interest of the slaveholder ? I will 
close on this point by proposing a query for consideration 
— Is love of interest a principle of the human mind that 
we ought to seek to conciliate ? 

I think I have sufficiently accounted for the diffisrent 
estimation in which the Society of Friends and the anti- 
slavery societies are held at the South. Before I close 
this communication, however, some further suggestions 
may arise, that may tend to place this branch of our in- 
quiry in a still stronger light. 

Tliou proceedest on the assumption that the Society of 
Friends is, to all intents and purposes, an Abolition So- 
ciety ; and therefore it is unnecessary for its members to 
connect themselves with any other. While I again ex- 
plicitly disclaim any desire to undervalue whatever effi^rts 
may have been from time to time made by Friends, for the 
relief of their oppressed and down-troddea fellow coun- 



25 

trymen, I feel myself bound to call in question the cor- 
rectness of this assumption, to the extent to which thou 
and many other Friends seem disposed to carry it. Our 
Society was constituted for certain well known purposes. 
Its founders associated themselves together for the purpose 
of maintaining certain religious views and principles 
which, in many respects, distinguished them from the rest 
of the Christian world. The abolition of slavery was no 
part of the original objects of their association — on the 
contrary, its members held slaves for many years after- 
wards. In process of time. Friends became convinced of 
the impropriety of holding their fellow-men in bondage, 
liberated their slaves, and inserted a provision in their dis- 
cipline, that no member of the Society should thereafter 
hold any. This act, however it may reflect credit on the 
Society, does not, in my opinion, give us a just claim to 
the character of an Abolition Society, considering what is 
implied in that term at the present time. Supposing that 
a company sliould be formed for the construction of a 
rail-road, and after proceeding some time with their work, 
they see the bad effects of the use of ardent spirit ; and, 
finally, adopt a reirubition that no member of the Corpora- 
tion, and no person in their employ shall be permitted to 
make use of any. This they scrupulously carry into effect. 
After a while the public become aroused to the evils- of 
intemperance, and it is proposed (o form a Society for the 
promulgation of temperance princij)les. They call on the 
members of the rail-road corporation to join them in the 
enterprise. But, they say — ' No — ivhi; sliould we join a 
temperance society 1 Do loe not belong to a temperance 
society already 1 ' 

By an Abolition Society, I mean a Society committed 
to the support of certain fixed principles for effecting the 
3 



26 

abolition of slavery. We have already examined the prin- 
ciples and measures of the anti-slavery societies. Now, 
let us examine the abolition principles and measures of the 
Society of Friends, and note the difference. If we ex- 
examine the written Constitution of the Society, we find 
but little on the subject. In 1773 and 1780, articles were 
inserted in the discipline of New England Yearly Meet- 
ing, prohibiting its members from holding slaves, but noth- 
ing contemplating any especial action for the abolition of 
slavery out of the pale of the Society. That this was not 
considered as constituting it an abolition society to that 
extent, as to preclude its members from joining societies 
formed for the express purpose of still further extending 
tiie blessing of freedom to the oppressed, appears conclu- 
sively from the circumstance of many of its most prominent 
and worthy members being soon after engaged in forming 
such associations. With these old abolition societies, 
Friends were for a long period, even almost to the present 
time, connected ; and, on this side of the Atlantic, with 
Franklin, and Rush, and Jay, and on the other, with La- 
fayette, and Brissot, and Wilberforce, and Clarkson, they 
contributed in no small degree to the abolition of the for- 
eign slave trade, and in awakening that humane and gene- 
rous regard for the rights of man, which has banished 
slavery itself from the British Islands, and from half the 
Slates of this confederacy. 

I am not acquainted with the disciplines of the other 
Yearly Meetings on this subject, but presume there is but 
little variation. In ours, liowever, there is an advice, 
* That Friends be careful to maintain our testimony faith- 
fully against slavery ' — which it is required should be read 
once a year in our meetings. Has there been, on these 
occasions, such a manifestation of lively interest in the 



27 

concern as might be expected from the members of a So- 
ciety laboring 'professedly for the abolition of slavery 1 ' 
I believe that, of late years, the idea has been very general- 
ly prevalent that, if we kept from holding slaves ourselves, 
we were ' maintaining our testimony/ and had nothing 
more to do ; forgetting the admonition—' Thou shall in 
any wise rebuke thy neighbor and not suffer sin upon 
him.' There being so little in the written Constitution of 
the Society from which to judge of its principles on this 
subject, we have no other means but to form our conclu- 
sions by the course of conduct pursued by its members. 

Are they opposed in principle to the Colonization scheme 
and, of course, committed in favor of ' emancipation imth- 
out erpafriation V If so, their practice is wofully at va- 
riance with their principles, for it will not, I presume, be 
denied that many of them are members of Colonization 
Societies, and many more are in favor of the project. I 
am told that a prominent Friend is now, or was recently, 
President of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society. I 
trust it is unnecessary for me to enter into an argument to 
show thee the evils of colonizationism. Did I not believe 
thou wert already aware of them, I would refer thee to 
treatises in which this subject is discussed by far more 
able pens than mine. It will be admitted by those ac- 
quainted with the prevalent feelings of the colored people, 
that they are generally strongly opposed to that system, and 
deprecate it as highly detrimental to their best interests. 
This was made manifest at a meeting of that class of our 
citizens, held in Philadelphia, soon after the formation of 
the American Colonization Society. Notwithstanding this 
manifestation of feeling, I have never heard it objected 
against Friends joining that association, that their infu- 
ence loith the colored people, to secure whose confidence is 



28 

so important if we would benefit thcin, would be lessened. 
Why have no apprehensions been indulged, of the conse- 
quences of our members joining colonization societies? 
And why has no advice been issued cautioning them against 
such connection ? I believe ' the absence of religion is 
HO clisqualiji cation for memhcrsliip ! ' Here may be a 
grand reason, after all, why the Society of Friends has 
been so much respected by the slaveholder, aiding, as its 
members have been, one of their darling schemes for per- 
petuating slavery ! A professed Abolition Society and the 
American Colonization Society hand in hand. What an 
anomaly ! 

Has the Society of Friends, in its labors in this cause, 
maintained the position that the sin must be immediately 
abandoned? Has it proclaimed the doctrine of immediate, 
unconditional emancipation ? The memorial of Friends 
of Virginia to the Legislature of that State, in 1832, says 
— *We submit for your consideration, the propriety of 
passing an act declaring that all persons born in the State, 
after some period to be fixed by law, shall be free; and 
that the State of Virginia provide some territory, or solicit 
the aid of the United States in providing one for the for- 
mation of a colony for people of color, and also to aid in 
removing such free persons as may L»e disposed to emi- 
grate, and such slaves as may be given up for that inir- 
pose.' Almost the only tract on slavery, published by 
Friends, of late years, recommends attempts ^gradually 
to diminish,'' the evils of slavery — ' to prepare ike rising 
generation of negroes for liberty^ &lc. This doctrine of 
gradually ceasing from sin will not ansv.er. It is power- 
less. Preach this doctrine to the slaveholder and you ad- 
minister a salvo to his conscience that renders your 
preaching ineffectual. Admit that under existing circum- 



29 

stances, he may be excusable in sinning to-day ; why not 
to-morrow ? — or next week ? — or next year ? If existing 
circumstances will warrant it now, depend upon it, existing 
circumstances will never he wanting. With the slavehold- 
er it is ahvays to-day. — To-morrow never comes. That 
a contrariety of sentiment exists in the Society on this 
point is undeniable. 

The Anti-Slavery Society has waged an exterminating 
warfare against that malignant spirit which is crushing 
the colored man to the earth, and preventing his moral 
elevation, viz : — Prejudice against color. That this cruel 
prejudice exists to some extent among the members of 
that Society, which has long professed to be, above all oth- 
ers, the colored man's friend, evidence is not wanting. 
It will be allowed that the * Negro Pew,' or its equivalent, 
may be found in in some of our meeting-housesj where 
men and women, brothers and sisters by creation, and 
and heirs of the same glorious immortality, are seated by 
themselves on a back bench for no other reason but be- 
cause it has pleased their Creator to give them a com- 
plexion darker than our own I I believe that an awful 
accountability rests on us for the repulsive effect of our 
conduct on our colored brethren and sisters, by which, 
tender, seeking spirits among them have been deeply 
wounded. I have in my possession some affecting ac- 
counts, exhibiting the effect of this sinful prejudice on the 
susceptible minds of those who have been brought under 
its influence. I have been grieved that occasion should 
have been given for remarks which have appeared in the 
public prints, exposing the inconsistency of our practice 
with our profession in this particular, and necessarily sub- 
jecting our beloved Society to the reproach of the world. 
Instances would not be wanting, were it necessary to pro- 
3» 



30 

duce evidence of the prevalence of this unchristian feel- 
ing— ^but I forbear. Such exhibitions are painful and 
humiliating. It is a rare occurrence for a colored person 
to be a member of the Societ}' of Friends. May not facts, 
like the above mentioned, account for this ? 

With these facts before us, it must be conceded that this 
Society, * which has labored professedly to abolish slave- 
ry,' is in this respect, composed of very discordant mate- 
rials — having no fixed principles of action in relation to 
this subject. We find among its members, inimediatists 
and gradualists, advocates of unconditional emancipation 
and colonizationists. Notwithstanding they may all be 
opposed to slavery in the abstract, there is a want of unity 
of sentiment and harmony of purpose, without which, the 
S ociety, as an abolition society, must neces- 
sarily be inefficient; — and such being the case, I cannot 
admit that it has a just claim to the name. 

But it may be said, that it is the duty of Friends to en- 
deavor to produce a unity of sentiment and action among 
themselves. That is what we want. And the only way 
to produce this desirable result is by a free and open dis- 
cussion of this subject. We ask for discussion. Cut we 
are told, — No, it is an exciting question, and it will not do 
to discuss it — we must wait until we can see alike 1 How 
long should we have to wait, unless there can be an in- 
terchange of sentiment in relation to it? 

Should, however, this desirable result be produced — 
should the Society adopt to their full extent the principles 
of the Abolitionists, — although it might do much by la- 
boring in its appropriate sphere, and giving its influence 
unequivocally in support of those principles; it is not so 
constituted as to carry out efficiently that system of meas- 
ures, by which those principles are to be brought to bear 



31 

with the greatest effect on the public mind. Tliis appears 
to have been well understood by our Friends in England, 
when the Yearly Meeting of London recommended its 
members, * individually to co-operate icith others ' in this 
cause ; and when it directed subscriptions to be received 
throughout its subordinate meetings, in consequence of 
which about 50,000 dollars were raised, and a large pro- 
portion of it given to the British Anti-Slavery Society. 
To the American Anti-Slavery Society, we must look as 
the most efficient agent for conducting our operations in 
this cause, and this Society, I believe, may justly claim 
our co-operation, whatever course the Society of Friends 
may pursue. 

An efficient system of operations, adequate to the im- 
portance of the cause, and the magnitude of the object to 
be accomplished, requires the concentrated efforts of all 
the friends of emancipation. To act efficiently we must 
act harmoniously and simultaneously. 

Is it practicable, for the Society of Friends, as now 
constituted, to adopt an efficient course, by itself? Would 
its members not need all the information, in order to act 
understandingly, which the American Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety is at so much pains to procure, and to send forth to 
the world, through its agents and lecturers, and by means 
of its innumerable publications? And are we going to 
avail ourselves of the advantages to be derived from their 
arduous labors, and keep by ourselves and not contribute 
to the common cause in which they have suffered so much, 
while we have been enjoying the smiles of public favor? 
Or, is it practicable for us to send out agents through the 
land to disseminate knowledge on this subject — or, if 
practicable, is there the least probability that such a course 
would be pursued ? Shall we establish presses throughout 



32 

the country, and send forth our newspapers, and tracts, 
and pamplilets, spreading anti-slavery principles broadcast 
over the land ? If such a system of measures were to be 
introduced, our Yearly, our Gluartcrly, our Monthly, and 
our Preparative Meetings, would be converted into Anti- 
Slavery Meetings, and still, time would be wanting for the 
needful discussions, and consultations, and arrangements. 
So that there u'ould be an indispensable necessity for some 
new organization. But no one will entertain the idea that 
any thing of this kind will take place, and until it does, I 
believe that, in order to * maintain our testimony faitlifully 
against slavery,' we have duties to perform without the 
limits of the religious Society to which we belong. 

Moral Reform Societies must take the lead in these 
moral reformations. How is it in regard to the Temper- 
ance reformation ? We see the Temperance Societies, 
with total ahstinence inscribed on their banners, leading 
the way far in advance, while ?6'e are halting behind. Our 
Society as a body, is not yet prepared to adopt the high 
temperance principle. 

Another objection is, that Friends are known to he a 
religious body, and ' opposed to all violence; ' and ' to act 
up to their creed that the end Aoesnot sanctify the means.' 
Any one acv^uainted with the views of the Abolitionists 
must be aware that the latter is one of their most promi- 
nent doctrines — one which is so plainly inscribed on the 
very portals of their doors, that he 'who runs may read.' 
The anti-slavery societies are fully committed in support 
of peaceable measures alone. Thou wilt find it to be the 
case in the Constitution of every anti-slavery society in 
the country. The pacific intentions of the Abolitionists 
are acknowledged by southerners themselves. They fear 
not ^liysical violence ; but the moral force of free dis- 



33 

cussioN is what they so much dread. What said John C. 
Calhoun in Congress in 1835 ? — * Do they expect the Aho- 
litionists will resort to arms, and commence a crusade to 
liberate our slaves by force 1 Is this what they mean 
when they speak of the attempt to abolish slavery ? If so, 
let me tell our friends of the South who differ from us, 
that the war which the Abolitionists wage against us, is of 
a very different character, and far more EFPtxTivE ; it is 
waged Jiut against our lives, but our character J If there 
be any who entertain fears of the means that will be re- 
sorted to, let Friends, by their co-operation, undeceive 
them, and assure them that their fears are groundless. 

It is next objected that ' the absence of religion is no 
disqualification for membership' in the anti-slavery socie- 
ties. I think much need not be said on this point. If any 
person ' consents to the principles ' of the Anti-Slavery So- 
ciety as stated in its Constitution, I should not have much 
hesitation in accepting of his assistance. The object of 
our association is well understood, and I do not thereby 
become accountable for his sentiments on other subjects. 

This subject is treated with great clearness and perspi- 
cuity by Joseph John Gurney, in an article on ' Christian, 
Philanthropic, and Social Fellowship,' published in the 
Friend, vol. 6, No. 2, and the distinction between relig- 
ious societies, and those for benevolent or other purposes, 
very satisfactorily shov.n. He takes the ground that any 
one of the denominations of the Christian church is re- 
ligious bi/ constitution, and that in that character, a union 
cannot be properly maintained with any, who deny their 
doctrines, or with persons of immoral character, because 
that if we allowed religious fellowship with such an indi- 
vidual, we should sanction his errors, and support them by 
the authority of the respective churches to which we be- 



34 

long. Bat, lie says, that those who refuse to maintain 
church union with such as diflfer from them, do freely al- 
low them to become, with themselves, members of ' a so- 
ciety which, altliough religious as to its oujcct, is not so as 
to its constitution, and which no more partakes of the na- 
ture of a church, than any partnership whatsoever formed 
among men, for civil or benevolent purposes.' He alludes 
to the Bible Society in illustration of his views, but his 
remarks are equally applicable to other benevolent asso- 
ciations. He says further — * The principle which binds 
him [the Christian] to the support of the Bible Society in 
particular, is one of clear scriptural authority, of immense 
practical importance, and strong enough to overcome a 
thousand ill-founded prejudices, and scruples ; namely that 
it is always our duty, under every possible circumstance, 
and by all lawful means in our power, to promote the hap- 
piness of our fellow-men, and the glory of God our Sa- 
vior.' After comparing the grounds on which a serious 
Christian stands, in connexion with other men, while he 
prosecutes his various objects in life, to the successive 
stories of a pyramid, he remarks — * Now, I contend, that 
in the whole of this process, the Christian (barring the 
weakness and sin to which we all are liable) is clearly de- 
void of blame. He eschews the evil, whosoever may 
separate from him ; he chooses the good, whosoever may 
unite with him. With a steady consistency, he pursues 
his own path of duty, and keeps a conscience void of of- 
fence in the sight of God and man. The Christian ought 
ever to fix his attention on principles, rather than on per- 
sons. While he cleaves to the immutable rule of right in 
his own conduct — abstaining from all that is evil, and do- 
ing all that is good — the question of his connection with 
other men, will mostly find its own right level. The pur- 



35 

suit ofan unbending lineofduty, will separate him from the 
world, just in the manner, and just in the degree, which 
true Christianity requires — which God, in his perfect wis- 
dom, has seen meet to ordain.' 

I rejer thee to the article itself, which was accompanied 
with a commendatory notice by the Editor of the Friend, 
and which I think fully refutes the objection. 

I think the article alluded to very fully meets the ob- 
jection so frequently made, that by joining with others in 
their associations, we are compromising our testimony to 
the spirituality of divine worship, and to a free gospel 
ministry. At these meetings, every one knows the pur- 
poses for which we assemble, that it is not for the purpose 
of performing divine worship — and I do not see how our 
testimony in that respect is involved any more than in as- 
sociating with our fellow-citizens for establishing a hos- 
pital or for any other benevolent enterprise. 

And how it comes in collision \\'\i\\ our views of the 
ministry I cannot conceive, any more than in hiring a 
lawyer to argue a cause, or a school-master to teach our 
children. 

The cause of the slave is now on trial before the people 
of this country, and it is right that we should pay the 
counsel engaged in his behalf. Grown-up children need 
to be taught the A, B, C, of Abolitionism, and justice 
demands that their teachers should be compensated. 

I am aware that the formal manner in which prayers 
are sometimes introduced at the opening of anti-slavery 
meetings is inconsistent with the views of * Friends.' 
But many of these meetings are managed by 'Friends' 
in their own way, — and in some, their feelings and wishes 
are so far regarded as to induce members of other religious 
denominations, to omit their customary exercises. Where 



36 

it has been otherwise, and the few Friends present have 
not felt it to be their duty to object to the course of their 
Christian friends and neighbors, in openine: the meetings 
in their customary manner, it has been distinctly under- 
stood that they were not to be considered as participating, 
or in any way implicated in those exercises which are not 
in accordance with their views of religious duty. I do 
not think the objection has sufficient weight to prevent us 
from co-operating in the praiseworthy object for which 
we are associated. Our mere presence cannot, surely, be 
considered as making us accountable for exercises in 
which we decline participating. — For how, then, could 
Friends attend the funerals of other people? — And how 
can our friend, D. Wheeler, be excusable while attending 
the missionary meetings in the Islands of the Pacific. 

It is no new thing for Friends to be connected with as- 
sociations for various benevolent purposes. Friends of 
unimpeachable consistency of character, have been so 
connected — I have been for years attached to such soci- 
eties, against which the same objections might, with equal 
propriety, be brought, — but, I scarcely ever heard a lisp 
of disappro!)ation. Why has all this opposition to such 
proceedings been reserved to be directed against those en- 
gaged in the anti-slavery cause? It is a well-known fact 
that some of those who are most warmly opposed to our 
course, are themselves actively engaged in associations 
similarly constituted. To such as these, the charge of 
incunsistcncT/, I th.ink, may apply. 

Thou sayest in reference to the Society of Friends, — 
*Our weapons are not carnal.' The weapons on which 
the Abolitionists rely are truth and love. Are thci/ 
carnal? These are weapons of mighty efficacy, and with 
them> trusting in Him who has declared that, for the op- 



' 37 

pression of the poor and the sighing of the needy He will 
arise, we will go forth to the conflict, nothing daunted, — 

* Though a host should encamp against us, our hearts 
shall not fear.' 

I notice thy remark that the only way in which we can 
act availingly, is * on the reason and conscience of the op- 
pressor.' This has ever been the aim of the Abolitionists, 
and they are encouraged in believing that they have been 
to a great extent effectual. James Smylie, a Presbyterian 
minister in Mississippi, in a work recently published by 
him says, — ' From his intercourse with religious societies 
of all denominations in Mississippi and Louisiana, he was 
aware that the Abolition maxim, viz.: that slavery is in 
itself sinful, had gained on and entwined itself among the 
religious and conscientious scruples of many in the com- 
munity, so far as to render them unhappy. The eye of 
the mind, resting on slavery itself as a corrupt fountain^ 
from which, of necessity, nothing hut corrupt streams 
could flow, was incessantly employed in search of some 
plan by which, with safety, the fountain could, in some 
future time, be entirely dried up.' A further acknowl- 
edgement of the effect of Abolition efforts will be found 
in the following extract from the Herald of Freedom : 

* A young gentleman who has been residing in South 
Carolina, says, our movements (Abolitionist's) are pro- 
ducing the best effects upon the South, rousing the con- 
sciences of slaveholders, while the slaves seem to be im- 
pressed as a body with the idea, that help is coming — that 
an interest is felt for them, and plans devising for their 
relief somewhere — which keeps them quiet. He says it 
is not uncommon for ministers and good people to make 
confession like this. One, riding with him, broke forth, 
** O, I fear that the groans and wails from our slaves enter 

4 



38 

into the ear of the Lord of Sabaoth. I am distressed on 
this subject ; my conscience will let ine have no peace. 
I go to bed, but not to sleep. I walk my room in agony, 
and resolve that I will never hold slaves another day ; but 
in the morning, my heart, like Pharaoh's, is hardened." ' 

And there are others who have liberated their slaves to 
the number of five or six hundred. Others, again, who 
are weeping in secret places, over the abominations of 
slavery, and praying for the success of our efforts. These 
things we have learned from southern lips, and southern 
pens. Let them stimulate us to unremitted effort to 
* deliver him that is spoiled out of the hand of the op- 
pressor, lest the fury of the Lord go out like fire, and 
burn that none can quench it, because of the evil of our 
doings, *' as a nation." ' For further evidence we can 
point to our James G. Birney, and our James A. Thome, 
who, having been converted, and having emancipated their 
own slaves, are now zealously engaged in converting their 
southern brethren, and in confirming northern Abolition- 
ists. We might point to the instance where one of our 
six-cent tracts has done wonders. But enough has been 
said to show, not only that our object is to act upon the 
consciences of the slaveholder, but to prove most conclu- 
sively that we have had access to them. 

* Right consequences follow right actions,^ is an excel- 
lent maxim. It is one of the first principles of Abolition- 
ists, and one to which they love to recur. But, it seems 
to me, that thou appliest it wrong end foremost^ for thou 
proceedest to consider what the probable consequences 
will be, in order to determine the actions. Therefore, it 
is not so much to be wondered at that thou hast come to 
a wrong conclusion in relation to thy duty in this matter. 
I choose to reverse the application ; and in so doing, I 



come to a different conclusion. Let us keep this maxim 
in view, resting assured of its truth, and only seek to be 
governed by the immutable principles of truth and right- 
eousness. It is not for man to foresee the consequences of 
his conduct. * Duty is ours, events are God's.' 

I, some time since, considered it ray duty to join an 
anti-slavery society ; — I believe it to be right to continue 
my connection with it ; because, in so doing, T believe I 
am openly acknowledging right principles ^ — and because, 
I believe the measures of the Abolitionists are the only ones 
that can peacefully effect the abolition of slavery. I think 
those who object to this course are bound to prescribe a 
better one. 

What would be our course, were we now the pioneers 
in this righteous cause ? Should we not seek the aid of 
others, and hail with joy the prospect of additional assist- 
ance ? Or should we refuse all connection with them, 
and virtually say to them, * Stand by thyself, — I am holier 
than thou 1 ' Should we expect, single-handed, to carry 
on the great work to its consummation ? Or, should we, 
more rationally, acknowledge the necessity of concen- 
trated action 1 

Let us not circumscribe our sphere of action improper- 
ly, by considering wicre/y what are our duties as members of 
the Society of Friends ; but let us also consider what is 
required of us as members of the human family. 

Although I have spoken my sentiments freely, I hope it 
will not be thought that it is with any unkind feelings to- 
wards the Society or its members ; I have thought that 
the occasion demanded plainness of speech, and I have 
endeavored faithfully to ' speak the truth in loveJ I dearly 
love the Society of Friends, — I feel bound to it by ties 
which could not be broken without keen sensibility of 



40 

feeling. Still stronger do I feel attached to its principles 
and testimonies, and my earnest solicitude is, that I may 
be enabled to maintain them in all faithfulness and godly 
sincerity. The indifference manifested, in relation to that 
07ie which I have recently found it my place in an especial 
manner to advocate, is deeply painful to me ; and I am 
grieved to witness the uncharitable feelings which have 
so much prevailed towards those who, like myself, have 
publicly espoused the cause of the poor slave. It would 
greatly rejoice my heart to see * Friends' taking a noble 
stand in this cause after the example of our worthy Eng- 
lish brethren, who have shown themselves so unequivocal- 
ly on the side of the oppressed. I have just received an 
extract from the London Christian Advocate, of 6th mo., 
5th, by which it appears that on the 29th of 5tli month, 
being the third day of the sitting of the Yearly Meeting, 
the evening was occupied by friends in attendance, in 
hearing a statement from Joseph Sturge, of Birmingham, 
relative to his recent visit to the West Indies. The large 
meeting-house was filled to overflowing. The meeting 
was opened with remarks by Samuel Gurney, after which 
Joseph Sturge spoke for two hours. He commenced by 
saying that he * decpJi/ regretted that the ardor of Friends 
in America was greatly abated on the subject of slavery.^ 
At the close he spoke as follows : * He did not like to sit 
down without expressing the feelings of pain which had 
resulted from what he had witnessed during a brief visit 
he had paid to the Continent of America, and especially 
from the fact that not a single member of the Society of 
Friends there v/as on the Committee of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society. The Friends of Philadelphia had 
actually issued a document advising their members not to 
join the anti-slavery societies, and in which they attempted 



41 

to cast a stigma upon others, and spoke of the anti-slavery 
tracts as incendiary publications. This spirit and practice 
was surely opposed to the views and writings of Geo. Fox, 
of William Penn, of John Woolman, and others of our 
noble-minded predecessors." Samuel Gurney and other 
Friends spoke, and Samuel Cox prayed for the oppressed 
and for the oppressor.* 

While it is humiliating to witness the position in which 
our Society in this country is thus placed in the view of 
the philanthropists of England, it is truly refreshing to ob- 
serve the unabated interest of our English 'Friends' in 
the righteous cause. 

If I know my own heart, I have no wish, in presenting 
these considerations to thy notice, but to contribute to the 
advancement of the cause of truth. Should it be the 
means of inducing any to give their aid to the great work 
of Emancipation, to Him be the praise, to whom that 
work belongs. 

Affectionately, thy friend, 

WM. BASSETT. 

Lynn, 9th mo. 2d, 1837. 



* I have frequently heard it remarked, that our * Friends' in England 
having seen the bad effects of their connection with the anti-slavery cause, 
have REPENTED of the course they have taken. . I have never been favor- 
ed with any evidence in support of this assertion, but, on the contrary, in 
addition to the above, it appears that Anthony Wigham, an influential 
Friend and minister, officiated as chairman at tiie recent anti-slavery 
meeting at Aberdeen, — also, that in one of the sittings of the late Yearly 
Meeting in London, notice was given by one of the clerks, that a subscrip- 
tion paper was in William Manley's office, for the general purposes of the 
Anti-Slavery Society. A great anti-slavery meeting has lately been held 
at Exeter Hall, London, at which the Duke of Sussex presided, when 
Joseph Sturge addressed the meeting. Our worthy friend William 
Allen was also present, and moved a vote of thanks to the chairman, 
and was otherwise active on the occasion. Such accounts are truly grati- 
fying and encouraging. 



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